Abbas Amanat, Iran: A Modern History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2017) Part II
4 THE MAKING OF THE QAJAR ERA (1797– 1852)
5 NASER AL-DIN SHAH AND MAINTAINING A FRAGILE BALANCE (1848–1896)
6 THE CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION: ROAD TO A PLURAL MODERNITY (1905– 1911)
4 THE MAKING OF THE QAJAR ERA (1797– 1852)
19世纪上半叶，局势渐稳，政府控制恢复，农业和贸易有所起色。但是人口增长缓慢：by the end of Fath ‘Ali Shah’s reign (1798–1834), Iran’s population still barely exceeded four million.
19世纪初地缘政治形势改变：the east-west two-frontier Iran of the Safavid and post-Safavid eras was substantially changed to a new north-south two-frontier reality. Qajar Iran’s self-image as an empire at the center of its own universe also changed into one of a vulnerable nation in the throes of Christian powers. 然而，Qajar Iran没有沦为殖民地，并且开始有选择地接受欧洲的物质和精神文明。The mixed experience of contention and adoption helped shape Iran’s perceptions of modernity throughout the Qajar period.
The early Qajar period also witnessed the emergence of a potent Shi‘i clerical establishment. The Qajar state’s desire to preserve the status quo helped sustain the Shi‘i jurists as a formidable force. Yet the symbiosis of the state and the ulama establishment acted as a barrier against innovative thinking and wider cultural adaptation.
二十世纪的historiography受到欧洲人影响，贬低Qajar，视其为an age of defeat and decadence。忽视了Qajar时代的成就：维持了国家主权；文艺（绘画，书法，音乐，书籍装帧，建筑，诗歌，手工艺）、思想发展（revival of the Aristotelian philosophy of the School of Isfahan; revival of the Shi‘i Sufi orders; rise of new socioreligious movements that espoused indigenous reforms embedded in Perso-Shi‘i environment，如Babi movement）。
Qajar早期，扑灭叛乱：pro-Zand的，拒绝Qajar统治的，争夺政权的（如库尔德首领Sadeq Khan Shaqaqi）。巩固政权：清洗不忠者，杀了grand vizier，在政府高层搞不同地区的派系平衡（Fars派，Mazandaran派，Farahan派）。
The Qajar khans and divan went hand in hand with a new spirit of grandiosity in Fath ‘Ali Shah’s court. 加强political legitimacy：drew attention to the memory of the ancient Iranian past, as narrated in the Shahnameh and visible in the rock reliefs and ancient ruins of the Achaemenid and Sasanian periods.These perceptions of Iranian kingship were revived and maintained alongside Timurid ties to a tribal past. These perceived sources of authority went hand in hand with a Qajar claim to temporal leadership of the Shi‘i community and defense of Shi‘i Islam, a Safavid legacy.
大修浮雕（如Fath ‘Ali Shah猎狮图），有的就修在萨珊浮雕旁边，meant to remind viewers of the return of ancient royal splendor.
Efforts to demonstrate historical continuity are also evident in the literature of the period, notably in the revival of the classical Khorasan school of epic poetry. 创作模仿Shahnameh的歌颂Fath ‘Ali Shah的epic。
Fath ‘Ali Shah疯狂生孩子，五十年里生了一百多个子女：和Qajar khans抗衡，各种政治婚姻leverage。
王子在中央政府控制下管理各地：Senior princes mostly served as provincial governors in Tabriz, Shiraz, Kermanshah, Isfahan, and Mashhad or as high officials in the expanding Qajar court and military.
王子‘Abbas Mirza负责管理Tabriz。Tabriz复兴：成为和欧洲商贸中心，对外交流，接受现代化影响的窗口。其它皇子也分配到各地。皇子之间存在竞争。Yet the balancing act in the Qajar princely system proved successful insofar as it recognized the reality of Iran’s regional diversity and helped the country’s economic recovery.
On the one hand, the presence of European powers helped stabilize the Iranian frontiers and consolidate the Qajar state. On the other hand, European strategic, territorial, and commercial ambitions turned Iran into an arena of intense—and at times highly disruptive—rivalries. Russia and Britain’s mutual fears and suspicion of each other in effect sealed the fate of Iran’s geopolitics for the entire Qajar period：成为英俄间缓冲
1800年东印度公司使团在John Malcolm带领下来访，试图联合Qajar对付威胁到旁遮普的喀布尔统治者Zaman Shah。Malcolm, who played a pivotal role in the conquest of Mysore, and later as the private secretary of Marquess Wellesley, the chief architect of British colonial hegemony, viewed Iran as an important party to the security of Hindustan, a policy that remained in effect for the entire Qajar period.
The Zands—and later the Qajars— viewed British colonial successes with a mix of awe and anxiety.
Malcolm写作History of Persia: From the Most Early Period to the Present Time，典型的English Orientalist写作。十九世纪欧洲人描述伊朗的（充满优越感的）地理书，历史书，游记增加。
1801年Tsar Alexander I吞并格鲁吉亚。Alexander and his like-minded advocates of Russian expansion relied on sympathizers in the Georgian royal family and in the Armenian Church who viewed Russian annexation of the eastern Caucasus as the only way to lift the yoke of Persian rule. 高加索人有亲俄的，有亲波斯的。By 1803, Russia claimed sovereignty not only over Georgia but also over all other Iranian possessions east of the river Kora, provinces coveted for their silk production.
Qajar-Russia战争，Qajar先赢后输，在英国调停下，1813年签订Treaty of Golestan：granted Russia nearly all of the eastern Caucasus north of the river Aras, and Russia annexed the whole of Georgia and southern Caucasian provinces of Baku, Shirvan, Qarabagh, Darband (Derbent), and Ganja. The treaty also gave exclusive rights to Russia to maintain a naval force in the Caspian Sea. It took another round of war before the Russo-Persian border was permanently settled along the Aras.
Qajar卷入欧洲政治，在英法之间周旋。1805年法国使节来访提出和拿破仑结盟。1807年Franco-Persian Treaty of Finckenstein，承诺法国打败俄国后把格鲁吉亚还给伊朗，为伊朗军队提供法国训练。要求伊朗把英国人赶走并向英国宣战，鼓动Herat和Kandahar人攻击英国殖民地。法国人不靠谱，变得快，很快又和俄国人签约… 英国人各种开空头支票，找理由拒绝兑现承诺。
With France defeated and Napoleon in exile, the shah and the Qajar elite came to the conclusion that if Iran were to survive Russia’s onslaught, it had to rely on British support and bravely accommodate that power’s whims and wishes.
The Usuli Shi‘i mojtaheds’ answer to the crisis of the post-Safavid era was to come up with a new legal approach to shari‘a that stressed the methodology of jurisprudence (or roots of jurisprudence, usul al-fiqh) as the key to a broader legal application of the principle of ejtehad.
To attract more followers and create a larger constituency, so to speak, a mojtahed had to listen to his followers, comply to a certain extent with their wishes, and even sometimes succumb to demagogy and crowd pleasing.
For most of the nineteenth century, the mojtaheds remained partners in power with the Qajar state. 不太过问政治。The Usuli ulama, despite their legal activism, never really abandoned the Shi‘i idea of avoiding the temporal government, a relic of piety-minded tendencies in early Islam.
伊拉克Najaf学者Shaykh Mohammad Hasan Najafi的代表作Jawahir al-Kalam fi Sharh Sharayi‘ al-Islam大部分都是关于purification rites和devotional acts的，perhaps a relic of the deep memory of the Zoroastrian rituals of the pre-Islamic past.
What was most remarkable about Najafi’s comprehensive treatment was the preoccupation with individual behavior and the means of controlling and policing it. This ritualistic aspect, more than civil or public conduct, interested the Shi‘i jurists. A vast number of intricate cases discussed in Jawahir, as in all compendiums on fiqh, were purely academic and had little, if any, practical implications. More than anything, they represented their authors’ legalistic obsessions and the scholastic acrobatics of the madrasa environment in which they were produced.
从伊拉克学成回国的mojtahed代表人物Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Shafti，穷人出身，在Isfahan发迹，经商借贷，非常富有。
Contrary to popular images of the ulama as champions of the weak, most mojtaheds were supplicating subjects of the shah and admirers of Qajar rule.
State支持的目的：wash away the significant public evidence of greed and lust with a good dose of religiosity; the shah had to keep the ulama content to acquire their approval, especially in dealing with the Europeans.
Some urban mojtaheds controlled the luti brigands and, if necessary, incited a mob. It was not uncommon for the influential mojtaheds to settle differences between the provincial governors or officials and other urban elite by inciting riots.
During the first round of wars with Russia, the ulama backed the state as the defender of Islam waging jihad against infidel intruders. 1819年Jihadiyah (On jihad)出版，called for jihad on the grounds that defense of Muslim lands against outside aggression was an inalienable “individual duty” of all qualified believers. On the one hand, it allowed mass mobilization to wage a successful war, while on the other hand, it took the initiative out of the hands of the state in favor of the ulama.
Mohammad Baqer Shafti发布fatwa要求杀掉所有infidel战俘（除了老，幼，妇女）。实际： 俄国俘虏得到善待, many preferring life in Muslim Iran over the arduous and inhumane lifetime of military service in the tsar’s army. 说明jurists的影响的局限性，人们并不总是听他们的话。
1826-1827，再度和俄国为高加索开战。认为不可能打赢的反战者是少数派。ulama上层号召jihad，亲自请求开战解救高加索的什叶muslim。开战后很快落下风，士气低迷，失去Iravan and Nakhijevan，‘Abbas Mirza丢弃Tabriz而逃。俄军控制整个高加索，差点进军德黑兰。
签订Torkamanchay条约：Torkamanchay has often been deemed the most disastrous treaty in modern Iranian history, even though territorial Iran came out of the ordeal relatively intact. The final loss of seventeen khanates of the Caucasus, consisting of the eastern part of today’s Republic of Georgia, as well as the Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, amounted to more than 10 percent of Iran’s territory at the time and more than 10 percent of its population of about five million. 失去高加索经济损失巨大（农业，丝绸，商贸，制造），也打击了Qajar的声誉与威信，Fath ‘Ali Shah统治后期叛乱不断。巨额赔款让Qajar濒临破产。俄国人带走大量财宝，包括Safavi祖宗shrine的。
政府和ulama都大丢脸：The hollow exhortation to wage jihad stood in sharp contrast to the realities of defeat. The transfer of the Shi‘i population of the Caucasus, the so-called emigrants mostly to Iranian Azarbaijan, was a stigma and humiliation visible to ordinary Iranians. 俄国政府要求进行人口交换：高加索的什叶muslim搬到伊朗阿塞拜疆，伊朗阿塞拜疆的基督徒到高加索。
条约里‘Abbas Mirza(因为战败，继承人地位岌岌可危)要求俄国人支持他继位。The end result was that the Tabriz administration accepted the harsh terms of the treaty to buttress ‘Abbas Mirza’s shaky stance. As far as the Russians were concerned, this was nothing short of ‘Abbas’s admission of his virtual vassalage status.
1828年后，Qajar被视为弱国，地位下降。1829年发生Griboedov事件：俄国使节Griboedov带走显贵后宫的格鲁吉亚女人，引起强烈不满。宗教人士号召首都人解救被带走的女人，示威者和俄国guards发生冲突死亡三人，愤怒民众杀掉了Griboedov和另外七十名embassy成员。Though it did not substantially change the European power’s future attitude toward Iranians, it did draw a line as to how far Europeans could meddle with Iran’s mores and religious sanctions. 事件后续：没闹大，道歉解决
1833，‘Abbas Mirza死亡。More than any member of the Qajar royal family, he embodied a new national awareness and understanding of modernity. 兴洋务，邀请欧洲人帮助改革，日后被Amir Kabir继续发扬。
1834，Fath ‘Ali Shah死亡。He was able to transform largely Turkic and tribal rule into a centralized and stable monarchy based on the old imperial model. He offered Iran a period of relative calm and prosperity, secured a symbiosis of state and ulama, laid down rudiments of the Qajar divan, and fostered a period of cultural and artistic revival that has remained the hallmark of the Qajar era.
Mohammad Shah即位。premier Abol-Qasem Qa’em-Maqam专权被杀。新premier是sufi mystic Haji Mirza Aqasi : removed most of his competitors from among the Qajar aristocracy of the Fath ‘Ali Shah era; he tried with some success to place a degree of state control over the powerful mojtahed establishment, reminiscent of the Safavid practice.
1840s各地urban upsiring不断：One frequent cause of these uprisings was clashes between the local population and the government troops stationed in the cities whose members were of different ethnic and geographical backgrounds. 军纪差，军队扰民
The most visible change during the middle decades of the century was growth in the trade sector, most significantly foreign trade. 波斯湾贸易，Yazd-Kandahar商路，Trabzon-Tabriz 商路，里海商贸，呼罗珊商贸，均有起色。
The state’s endemic flaws and the country’s economic plight barely concerned the ulama establishment. Mojtaheds were increasingly seen as part of the power structure.
ulama受到的挑战：Ne‘matollahi sufi order. To the mojtaheds, the unconventional beliefs and lifestyle of the Sufis and their dervishes were worrying signs of moral corruption and ploys to deceive their followers. Several leaders of the early Ne‘matollahi revival fell victim to the mojtaheds’ anti-Sufi campaign. Even though the mojtaheds’ campaign under Fath ‘Ali Shah succeeded in containing the growth of Sufi orders, it could not stop them altogether, and least of all within the elite circles. Mohammad Shah统治期间sufi待遇较好（自己和premier都是sufi）
ulama的内部挑战：Shaykhi theological school offered a third alternative to the shari‘a of the mojtaheds’ and the mysticism of the Sufis. By the 1840s the Shaykhi school, under Rashti’s leadership, had grown into a network distinct from that of the Usulis and in competition with it. 在Hidden Imam归来问题上和传统解释有很大区别。The millennial markers in the Shi‘i calendar no doubt added to the Shaykhis’ messianic preoccupation and its appeal.（1844年是Occultation千年）
Shaykhi school的影响下，出现Babi movement：In 1844, a young merchant from Shiraz called Sayyed ‘Ali Mohammad (1819–1850) proclaimed to a small group of young Shaykhi mullahs who had come from Karbala to pay their allegiance to him that he was the “gate” (bāb) to the Truth. 称Mahdi马上要再临，正在亲自等待Mahdi, 后来称自己就是Mahdi，是initiator of a new prophetic cycle. Bab被视为异端，很快被软禁。受到Isfahan长官庇护，不过长官不久死了（谋杀？），关到阿塞拜疆要塞，写下Bayan。Between 1848 and 1851 the Babis were forced to take up arms against the government. 很快被镇压。世纪末，运动的主要派别形成Baha’i faith。
Messianic Shi‘ism, long had adopted the idea of prophetic cycles, a notion shared with ancient Zoroastrian belief in Renewal (farashkart) at the end of consecutive millennial cycles. The idea of the advent of the Mahdi at the End of Time, especially in Shi‘ism, remained the major conduit for survival of the idea of cyclical revelation.
The Babi endeavor, it can be argued, was striving to build in its own esoteric language an indigenous concept of modernity that relied on historical progression rather than the sanctity of the past. Likewise, it called implicitly for human agency rather than prophetic finality. The Babi message should be seen as the fulfillment of more than a millennium of Shi‘i apocalyptic yearnings to break with shari‘a, and more specifically with the shari‘a that had been set in place with the rise of the Safavid Empire.
The nascent Babi faith carried with it the kernel of a new national identity：用波斯语写作，以Nowruz作为一年开始，各种波斯神秘观念。Bab对欧洲人态度模糊，一方面赞扬之，一方面the Bab believed that as long as Europeans denied the veracity of the prophet of Islam, they could not be saved on the Day of Judgment.
不仅称自己是Mahdi降临，还称自己是Imam Hosain（the paradigm of Shi‘i martyrdom）再世。1847年在Tabriz受审，公开称自己就是Mahdi。
Babi领导者中的重要人物是一位女性：Fatemeh Zarrin-Taj Baraghani（Tahereh）。来自Qazvin的富裕Usuli mojtaheds家庭，She accepted the Bab’s claim in absentia and the Bab in return included her among his “Letters of the Living”，打破性别藩篱。 1848年Badasht会议，Tahereh emerged as the leader of the radical faction, which was seeking not only a break with Islam but also open defiance of the Shi‘i ulama. 在Badasht故意不戴头巾，probably the first instance in the history of Islamic Iran.
1848年起事：从阿塞拜疆把Bab救出，躲到shrine of Tabarsi打游击。很快失败，大部分被处决。剩下的Tabarsi community过起了朴素的共产公社生活。
In all instances, the Babi message motivated dissent and gave the people a sense of agency and hope for their eventual triumph. 新premier Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir投入大量人力物力财力扑灭Babi起义。1850年Bab在Tabriz被枪决。两年后刺杀Naser al-Din Shah行动失败，引起大规模处决。
运动早期：gained popularity despite widespread persecution of its followers. The movement’s political defeat signified a chance to articulate a new, though sketchy, version of religious reform inspired by the inner dynamics of Shi‘i Islam.
The Babi movement anticipated the alliance of small-time merchants, artisans, low-ranking clergy, and other voiceless and marginalized groups a half a century later during the Constitutional Revolution. 推行西化改革的Amir Kabir镇压Babi运动，体现了两种现代化vision（内生的，进口的）的冲突。
During the leadership of Baha’ullah (1817–1892), the Babi movement adopted an ecumenical message of universal reconciliation and socio-moral modernity. unlike nearly all Islamic modernist trends of the time, tried to fuse the Perso-Islamic Sufi heritage of Iran with European modern humanist and universalist endeavors.
5 NASER AL-DIN SHAH AND MAINTAINING A FRAGILE BALANCE (1848–1896)
Naseri era：an era of gradual state consolidation, appeasement of the religious establishment, adjustment to European diplomatic and economic realities, and limited success with domestic reforms. sporadic urban riots and popular protests;further material and cultural influences from abroad;stronger sense of national resolve began to emerge. 天灾不断
No modern industry of any substance emerged. The modern educated sector constituted a small and largely ineffective part of the elite, and the political structure of the Qajar state remained more or less intact.
铁路没发展起来，坏处不说了，好处： left Iran far less open to European capital and colonial projects.
Amir Kabir：来自平民家庭，从Tabriz步入政坛，曾参与Treaty of Erzurum的制定。后来在阿塞拜疆新军工作。改革受Peter the Great和Ottoman Mahmud II的启发。
1848年出任，集军政大权于一身，镇压呼罗珊Davalu Qajar叛乱和Babi运动。建立西式教育机构Dar al-Fonun，培养军事与工程人才。得到英国人支持。Yet he was careful to reserve Iran’s authority over a range of issues, including trade regulations, protégé status for Iranian subjects, sovereignty over the Persian Gulf coasts, and the behavior of foreign diplomats at the Persian court.
改善财政，减少支出（降低官员和贵族工资），加强征税；司法改革，建立Government Bureau of Justice。
宗教法庭和政府法庭两套系统情况没改观： The mutual reluctance of the ulama and the government to create a uniform code, such as the Ottoman civil code known as Majilla Ahkam ‘Adliya, compiled during the Tanzimat era, served as a major obstacle to judicial reform.
二十世纪的民族主义叙事倾向于拔高Amir Kabir：Amir Kabir can be seen as an anti-imperialist with a protonationalist vision. 敢对外国要求说不。和前任比没有鸡毛蒜皮小事引起的外交危机。
Amir Kabir：能干但autocratic的十九世纪改革型政治家。His vision of reform was top down, functional, and clearly designed to create a disciplined and orderly regime. He was inspired by the European ideas of material progress, by industrialization under the shield of a militarized state. Naturally such a vision could not tolerate an indigenous movement of religious reform such as that of the Babis, which was rooted in messianic aspirations and seeking finality to the unresolved Shi‘i problem of authority.
新premier Mirza Aqa Khan Nuri ：a return to the traditional governance of the Fath ‘Ali Shah era. 对贵族和elite官僚有利。
1853，Nuri和英国人就Herat达成协议：allowed Iran to interfere in Herat if Britain, or its adventurous Afghan ally, Dost Mohammad Khan, infringed on that province’s neutrality.
Suspicious of Iran’s secret deal with Russia(合作夺取Herat), London sent a new envoy, Charles Murray, to Tehran to underscore its annoyance with the Iranian government’s desire to reassert control over Herat. 结果Murray和Shah的sister-in-law搞婚外情闹出大丑闻，两国断交。断交后出兵，1856年控制Herat。引起英国从波斯湾进军，Qajar大败，只好从Herat撤兵。英军惩罚性轰炸波斯湾港口。
At the end of the 1857 Paris peace treaty, mediated by the French emperor Napoleon III, Iran was obligated to renounce any territorial claims over Herat or any other part of Afghanistan. 失去高加索是伊朗-俄国关系转折点，失去Herat是伊朗-英国关系的转折点。The Herat affair made clear to the Qajar state the grave consequences of militarily engaging a European colonial power. The shah and his government realized that negotiation, brinksmanship, and the politics of balancing the two empires on Iran’s opposite borders were the only realistic alternative.
Shah开始直接掌权：resulted in a haphazard system of petty bickering between the conservative and reformist factions of the government. It also ransomed off the government to the whims of a capricious but shrewd ruler. 组织consultative council, 一开始有所行动就害怕失去权力把council废了，反反复复。
受Napoleon III法国影响，Shah进行改革。改革派Mirza Malkom Khan：在法国接受教育的改宗的亚美尼亚人，参与过关于Herat命运的巴黎和谈。sought a model of state reform compliant with the Qajar establishment’s conservative view of government. His “orderly absolute monarchy” called for a constitutional government based on enforcement of the law (qanun) and a legislative council (majles) whose members were to be appointed by the shah. 警惕帝国主义扩张威胁，搞改革派秘密结社Faramush-khaneh（很快被Shah收拾）。
货币财政改革没有成效。By the very end of the Naseri period, the Qajar statesmen still could not clearly or permanently differentiate the government treasury from the shah’s own private purse.
1870年Mirza Hosain Khan Moshir al-Dowleh被任命为grand vizier. His rise to power signaled the shah’s periodic return to the idea of reform. Brought new hopes for the stranded program of institutional reforms but also posed the danger of monopolizing power. 此人精明而腐败（是同性恋）。试图在英国支持下（对外将Qajar定位于正在现代化的缓冲国）重启改革。
1879年建立哥萨克骑兵团。At best, one can attribute it to Naser al-Din’s policy of keeping the tsar on his side by offering him an affordable token of friendship. At worst, it was an impulsive blunder that for decades to come would help protect the throne while exposing Iranian subjects to the overbearing conduct of the Cossack commanders and their troops.
1871年Shah到伊拉克朝圣，the first time in recent history that any Iranian ruler had left his domain in peacetime，受到Ottoman方友好接待，提升在本国虔诚人士心中形象。
1873，1878，1889访问欧洲： That a Persian ruler could travel abroad despite a religious ban on entering lands of nonbelievers, was a novelty even in the late nineteenth century. consolidating Iran’s image abroad as a sovereign state and reasserting its independence during the age of colonial expansion. 出版日记。提升国内外形象。
The shah and his retinue had turned into a spectacle to be gazed at, teased and even condescendingly looked upon. The shah was yet another showcase for displaying imperial power.
欧洲见闻：appreciate the advantages of a strong state over the revolutionary alternative that was then in progress. Beyond Russia, the shah could see the advancements and military glory of autocratic Prussia becoming the German Empire, as opposed to defeated and revolutionary-stricken France.
对英国民主印象一般，认为伊朗和欧洲政治文化差异太大，欧洲那套行不通。 Europe, unlike Iran, so the shah believed, did not have restive tribes on its periphery, nor did it have an intransigent clergy wielding its power over the state with the weapon of shari‘a. 不想马上工业化：An imported modernity seemed to the shah, and to likeminded Iranian elites, untenable.
和Baron Julius de Reuter谈生意：修波斯湾到里海的铁路，给Reuter开的条件极丰厚。疑似大骗局。俄国人不高兴。Qajar贵族和ulama都反对，收拾Moshir al-Dowleh。最后取消。
Yet it is important to note that the construction of railroads, despite the high hopes in this enterprise, failed to play a key role in the industrialization of the Middle East. It did, however, increase the mobility of the population, as well as of foreign goods and the export of cash crops. Even in the Pahlavi era, construction of the trans-Iranian railroad did not result in any industrial miracle. 最早的铁路：比利时人修的连接德黑兰和附近shrine的Chemins de Fer。
改革无望，Moshir al-Dowleh失去支持，1881年或被定点清理，抄家。几个月前Ottoman刚刚处死了改革者、1876 Ottoman constitution的architect，Midhat Pasha。
Shah拒绝政治改革，也不搞工业化，但是迷恋欧洲物质文化。Unlike technology and industrialization, which were hard to import, material culture and luxury commodities traveled well. And it was these, rather than Europe’s industrial and political achievements, that first left their mark on Iran’s urban life, culture, and artistic expressions.
大兴土木，各种修欧式建筑：Golestan Complex, palace of ‘Eshratabad,Takkiyeh-e Dowlat
“Persianizing” of European styles: contrary to what purists often claim, art and architecture of the Qajar period were neither decadent nor bastardized replicas of European archetypes. Rather, they emerged out of a period of cultural florescence, which displayed a distinct Persian taste.
画家代表：Abol-Hasan Ghaffari，建立最早的modern studio，给一千零一夜插图。现实主义风格，充满生活气息。给报纸画卡通。神秘死亡，或因得罪establishment。
Mahmud Khan Kashani Malek al-Sho‘ara
Amir Arsalan Rumi故事：以Ottoman王子为主角的奇遇记，fanciful Persianizing of Europe as a hostile yet seductive realm may be read as symptomatic of Iran’s conflicting aspirations.
现实主义社会批判小说Ibrahim Bag’s Travelogue: held the Qajar elite, along with the ulama, responsible for Iran’s chronic weaknesses and its curse of being subordinate to superior powers. Here we see the crux of an Iranian bourgeois ethos aspiring to reconcile adopted modernity with Perso-Shi‘i identity, a trait that was to be sharpened with the Constitutional Revolution. 被Constitutional Revolution革命人士广泛阅读
英国经济介入加深：开放Karun River。1889设立Imperial Bank of Persia，发行纸币，旧的bazaar金融被取代。一方面Shah的头像印上纸币，强化了Qajar威信，另一方面，由于货币金融被国家控制，出了问题大家都怪政府。
新首相：‘Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Soltan, page boy出身，保守的Mostawfi al-Mamalek 的继任者。A cunning confidant of the shah and a master of realpolitik—more in the style of Aqasi and Nuri than Amir Kabir and Moshir al-Dowleh—he symbolized the eventual triumph of the Naseri courtiers over the divan class. The relationship between the shah and his last premier turned increasingly complex and mutually exploitative.
把烟草专卖权给英国人，The Regie monopoly: at the expense of a large sector of Iranian exporters, wholesalers, distributors。
引起烟草从业者全国性抗议：The Tobacco Protest was the first time that the merchants of the bazaar, a number of high-ranking clergy, and a handful of dissidents found common ground to mobilize the public nationwide and challenge the authority of the shah. 烟草商人请求local mojtaheds的支持，在清真寺集会谴责外国人（包括谴责其ritually polluting the handling of tobacco）。mojtaheds本来不倾向于批评政府，但是宗教税收入减少，不得不支持烟草商和烟草农。
Tabriz的抗议很厉害（受到俄国人支持），Regie在阿塞拜疆暂停营业。That a protest movement that had started in the south of the country was fully embraced in the northern commercial center signified a shared economy that surpassed Iran’s typical regional polarity.
1892年，以Mirza Hasan Shirazi的名义发布fatwa，号召禁止吸烟so long as its distribution remained in the hands of the infidels。说这种情况下吸烟tantamount to combating the Imam of the Age.
Mirza Hasan Shirazi在什叶世界很有影响力。1891年Sayyed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi（Afghni）曾致信Shirazi倡议反对Naser al-Din Shah，the first open call in modern Iranian history for the overthrow of the shah。
Afghani：著名dissident，stirred anti-British sentiments from British India to Afghanistan to Istanbul to Egypt.
The Tobacco Protest had widened the gap between the state and the ulama, and displayed the latter’s compliance with the grievances of their mercantile clients.
全国伊朗男女纷纷听从Shirazi的fatwa，连Naser al-Din Shah自己后宫的女人都不抽烟了。
The government’s threat to expel from the capital the chief mojtahed of Tehran, Mirza Hasan Ashtiyani, if he continued to provoke the public and refrain from breaking the smoking ban, backfired. He refused to accept the terms offered by the government. 引起示威，要求取消烟草专卖，要求Shah下课，暴力冲突。
The open revolt and clandestine propaganda denouncing the shah for despotism and corruption but also chastising the mojtaheds for compromise and inaction, were sufficient that both the shah and the ulama recognize the greater danger—an imminent uprising that threatened the very survival of both institutions. 示威后Shah取消了烟草专卖，安抚了扬言要集体出走伊拉克的mojtaheds。借外债给英国人付cancellation penalty。
The bullet that killed the shah heralded the end of an era, a half a century of relative constancy. The veneer of modernization that covered the Qajar state was just that. The reformist measures by statesmen such as Amir Kabir and Moshir al-Dowleh never truly transformed Qajar society. Some features of European material culture came to shape urban space, art and architecture, dress, food, and music. The foundations of the state, however, remained largely unchanged（私人生活一贯糜烂，没有大的领土丢失etc）.
社会不满增加，通信发展：The Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911 signified the rise of a new national community conscious of itself and its deprivations largely through press and telegraph communication inside Iran and with the outside world.
6 THE CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION: ROAD TO A PLURAL MODERNITY (1905– 1911)
1905年12月12日，星期五：德黑兰民众抗议政府mistreat糖商，要求mojtaheds出来支持。Jamal al-Din Isfahani, a middle-ranking popular preacher and a crypto-Babi发表演讲批评政府。Further, he declared that both the common law, as enforced by the state, and the Islamic law, as practiced by the mojtaheds, must comply with “the law” (qanun), a notion new to Iranian audiences that implied the Constitution. If the shah is a true Muslim, he stressed, he too must comply with the people’s wishes.
塑造革命的元素: 对低效、管得太宽的政府不满的商人与工匠; 中低层毛拉; the Qajar state对公众政治参与要求的回应; 为数众多的城市居民;接受西式教育的精英, who joined the indigenous radical elements and helped shape the parliament (Majles) and frame the modern constitution.
俄国人支持保皇派。后来运动也与clerical阶层利益发生冲突：The outcome was a multifaceted struggle that helped define Iran’s modern national identity, emerging first in the civil war of 1908–1909 and continuing in the two decades before the rise of Reza Shah and the establishment of the Pahlavi order in 1925.
巴列维时代，运动成就打折，1979革命后，1906宪法取消。 仍然是伊朗历史的转折点：because it marked a step forward on the path to sociopolitical modernity. Under the veneer of Western liberalism and constitutional order, the revolution tried to offer indigenous answers to a distinctly Perso-Shi‘i problem of social justice that had long been present in the milieu of Iranian dissent. In effect, the revolution sought to secularize Shi‘i millenarian aspirations by incorporating such modern concepts as nationalism, the rule of law, limits to state power, individual rights, and people’s representation.
改革/革命小册子主要通过手抄本在国外小圈子传播。批评保守官方。 提出的改革方案主要出自对法国启蒙 或者 俄式专制 的肤浅解读。Overall, they were naively praiseful of Europe, though often inconsistent in their quest for modernity.
Images of decay and deprivation in Iran were contrasted not only to idealized notions of Western material advances but also to an idealized vision of Iran’s ancient past. The reformist literature of the nineteenth century was generally oblivious to Europe’s colonial ambitions, and when it wasn’t, it often implied that falling under Western imperial might was an inevitable fate of the weaker nations.
Mirza Malkom Khan：推崇普世价值，试图说服Naser al-Din Shah承认basic rights，未果，在Qanun上批评Shah。
Afghani：政治伊斯兰先驱, albeit in the garb of Ottoman-backed pan-Islamic activism, an ideology with little popular support among Shi‘i Iranians. a nostalgic reading of the Islamic past was complemented by a call for religious renewal, for an Islamic Reformation, as he called it, that could rescue Muslims not only from the yoke of Christian colonialism but also from their tyrannical rulers.
Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani：来自宗教多元城市Kerman的民族主义者。an ideology of conscious nationalism rooted in the idealized narrative of the ancient Iranian past and set against the gloomy realities of its present。推崇古波斯，对Islamic历史持批评态度。His intellectual profile included not only the European Enlightenment but also a complex amalgam of materialist philosophy, socialist political programs, and nationalism with a chauvinist bent。被Ottoman逮捕引渡回伊朗后处决，被视为martyr。
Mirza Fath ‘Ali Akhundzadeh：在Tiflis做公务员的剧作家，亦批评Islam，观点近似Deist ideas of the French Enlightenment。通过剧作表达观点。把伊朗的困境归于什叶信仰痛批之。膜拜欧洲，和大多数十九世纪改革人士一样，信奉“落后就要挨打”，不怎么批判欧洲殖民主义，看不上本土什叶改革运动如Babi 运动。
王子Jalal al-Din Mirza：出版去掉阿拉伯语借词的历史书Nameh-ye Khosravan，强调pre-islamic时代的辉煌。
Themes of civilization and reform, the need for constitutional recourse, the heritage of the ancient past versus decline in the present, and the critique of conservatives’ obstacles to modernity all laid the foundations of the constitutional discourse.
Mozaffar al-Din Shah继位：a man of gentle disposition, with an earnest desire to open up the country to social and educational reforms.
premier ‘Ali Khan Amin al-Dowleh短暂的改革：阻碍很大（foreign interests, court intrigue, economic downturn, clerical conservatism）。新式学校受到clerics的反对。改革走入死胡同，被撤职。Amin al-Dowleh’s dismissal marked the end of 半个世纪以来的ministerial reforms from above。
革命前夕不满发酵：1900年，Jamal al-Din Isfahani发表Libas al-Taqwa，号召抵制洋货支持民族纺织业。组织秘密革命组织Progress Society，引导商人采取公司制。 In due course this budding commercial bourgeoisie placed new demands on the state and contributed to the growing public discontent. 1903年和Nasrollah Beheshti发表Roya-ye Sadeqeh，批判多数政府和宗教人士自私贪婪虚伪。后来主要批评Qajar保守人士。1907年创办报纸散布批评。
The most progressive preachers, journalists, and activists shared their criticism of the conservative Qajar aristocracy and the high clergy, though seldom by name, favoring instead the pro-constitutional and the enlightened members of the state elite.
Yusef Khan Mostashar al-Dowleh比较法国宪法和古兰经条文，试图reconcile二者。By the time of the Constitutional Revolution a trend within the Iranian opposition indeed articulated an Islamic discourse similar to that of Mostashar al-Dowleh.
Babi-Azali低调行事隐藏身份（taqiyyeh），Baha’is受迫害：The growth of these anti-Baha’i campaigns may be attributed to the mojtaheds’ losing ground to more liberal voices outside and within the religious community. Yazd 1902-1903大规模迫害。As a result of concealing their identity, many Azalis inevitably were assimilated into the majority Muslim population at the expense of the gradual fading away of their Babi identity，但仍然反Qajar。
中下层毛拉抗议者向政府提要求，受到Behbahani与Tabataba’i的支持。Tabataba’i in particular was endowed with a genuine urge to establish a pluralistic society based on rule of law and individual freedoms, concepts that he himself acknowledged as inconsistent with the best interests of the mojtahed class.
早期抗议者缺乏政治纲领：要求建立house of justice。The notion of the house of justice, which eventually transformed into a call for a national assembly, had its roots in the writings of the Bab and the messianic aspiration to establish a house of justice (bayt al-‘adl) under the Imam of the Age.
运动有messianic色彩：the beginning of the constitutional movement in AH 1323/1905 CE was only six years before the millennial anniversary of the “Greater Occultation”。社会上存在对马赫迪归来的期待。
西方思想和本土观念结合：一方面有助于运动发展，另一方面also injected into the process inherent ambiguity, even some resistance to divulging the true secular agenda of the constitutionalists. 希望以此安抚保守人士，避免异端的标签。As such, they introduced a troubling feature to the Iranian experience of democracy, one that would remain inherent for decades, if not for a whole century thereafter.
1906年7月，the restive Tehran population gathered in Tupkhaneh Square (Maydan-e Tupkhaneh), adjacent to the citadel complex, and staged one of the earliest public demonstrations that had occurred outside the mosque or the shrine setting. 镇压引发Tabataba’i领导的ulama的抗议。示威者在British legation寻求庇护。it was in the British legation that the protestors openly demanded for the first time the establishment of a constitutional (mashruteh) order. 商人是抗议活动的主角。英国使馆提供了secular空间。
mashruteh：“conditional”之意。implies a familiar chapter on “conditions” (shorut) in Islamic law, which in turn gave it a certain Islamic acceptability and in the eyes of the ulama and the public put it at a safe distance from such alien notions as constitution and constitutionalism.
As has often been noted, only a small number of the elite understood the idea of the constitution and the liberal values associated with it. Yet the Iranian public was quick to employ the term to air its resentment of their destitution, material decline, and the insecurities they faced in everyday life.
抗议之下，Shah解除保守premier ‘Ayn al-Dowleh的职务，1906年8月10日发布Constitutional Decree，called for the establishment of a “national consultative assembly ”
Majles组成：the princes of the Qajar family, the ulama, the notables (a‘yan), the nobles (ashraf), the landowners, the merchants, and the guilds. The Electoral Law Committee appointed to draw up election bylaws consisted of mostly young Western-educated bureaucrats. Perhaps inspired by the model of the Estates-General during the French Revolution, the committee opted for a representational system that surprisingly gave the greatest number of “deputies” (vakils) to the guilds and the merchants.
过程和1905 Russian Revolution类似，可能受其影响。
The inauguration of the Majles in October 1906 aimed to frame the “Fundamental Law”. 迅速起草：The Fundamental Law recognized the separation of three powers. 1907年签署Supplement to the Fundamental Law保证基本自由。
Mohammad ‘Ali Shah继位。
Anticonstitutional clerical camp：Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri。一开始支持以sharia为基础的宪政，后来视Majles及其支持者as no more than a conspiracy hatched by heretics, Babis, and atheists, 号召clerics反对之。
英俄达成协议。The agreement reaffirmed the powers’ traditional guarantees for the Qajar throne without acknowledging the Majles or the new constitutional process.
Hasan Taqizadeh:first Majles的阿塞拜疆代表，能言善辩。backed by the semi-clandestine socialist circle in Tabriz and by the Iranian émigré community in the Caucasus.
Only in the 2nd Majles, after 1909, 宗教少数 (zoroastrians, jews, christians) 得到代表，but the Babi Azalis or Baha’is were never elevated beyond the label of “despicable heresy.” 女性也没机会。
The Supplement to the Fundamental Law 受法国、比利时、保加利亚宪法启发，but in substance was adopted to the requirements of the Iranian environment and the precepts of Shi‘ism. It reflected contingencies and contradictions inherent in the Iranian system that were hard to overcome. Yet every article of the constitution was genuinely argued and heatedly debated in open sessions and before enthusiastic audiences. One of the most remarkable aspects of the Majles was indeed its openness.
The shah was acknowledged as the head of the executive, whose divine grace was bestowed on him by the will of the people. This was the first time in the long history of Persian kingship that a document subordinated, albeit partially, the king’s authority to the people’s institutional mandate—an assertion over which a bloody civil war would soon be fought.
为了安抚ulama，宪法规定Majles制定的法规只限于政治领域，不掺合shari‘a管的范畴。In reality, however, it subverted the accepted universality of the shari‘a in some key provisions.
1907 Supplement to the Fundamental Law第一条定Twelver Shi‘i Islam为official religion. 第二条表示尊从Islam原则。it reflected the framers’ serious dilemma of how to reconcile the will of “the people of Iranian nation” as a source of the constitution’s legitimacy with the ancient pillars of authority: Shi‘i Islam and Iranian kingship.
The Majles approved, after several drafts, 五名mojtaheds和伊斯兰律法专家组成的委员会确保立法和shari‘a的兼容性。Though in reality the committee never convened and was forgotten after 1910, compatibility with the shari‘a remained an issue that would reemerge seven decades later during the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Other articles of the constitution betrayed the same undercurrent of obsequiousness in fear of being labeled “irreligious.”
Under enormous pressure from the court, however, the framers of the constitution were obliged to assert in article 35 that “the sovereignty is a trust confided as a divine gift by the people to the person of the king.”
The deputies of the Majles and the people who elected them to office soon realized (as did the English, French, and Americans) that a constitution and constitutionalism did not come easily or cheaply. The mashruteh and implementation of the Fundamental Law resulted in much bloodshed, political conflict, and the chaos of a civil war before being acknowledged as a “revolution” (enqelab).
Between May 1907 and July 1909, the Majles at every turn faced enormous threats to its very survival：disagreement on limits of the legislative authority, growing tensions with the shah and his court, and a constant barrage of defamatory propaganda. Unrest in the provinces provoked by the court and by the powerful tribal khans and the local ulama, as well as serious skirmishes and sectarian fighting on the Ottoman borders, further challenged the young order.
Amin al-Soltan再次出任premier，试图在Majles和Shah之间斡旋，激化了Majles温和派和激进派的矛盾。1907年8月被刺杀。刺杀前，the prorevolutionary orators in Tehran had called for the premier’s removal as the opening act of an inevitable revolution. 激进派代表人物Haydar Khan, 在Tiflis受过电气工程训练的马克思主义革命者。
1907年，英俄在圣彼得堡签约，划分势力范围（背景：德国崛起）。One outcome so far as Iran’s domestic politics was concerned was a greater polarization of Iran’s revolutionary politics, which less than a year later led to open confrontation with the Qajar shah and a civil war.
激进派受到revolutionary societies (anjomans)的支持。Whether former Babis, nationalists, or socialists, the anjomans’ leadership came to play a decisive role in the political process. 出版各种革命/改革报纸。anjomans成功动员bazaar的商人，行会，政府官僚，电信邮政运输工人
1908年2月，Haydar Khan指挥下，炸弹刺杀Mohammad ‘Ali Shah失败。Shah非常insecure，俄国人建议摧毁Mojles。
The Majles’ failure to deliver remedies to the country’s economic and social needs was an added source of public frustration. By the time of the coup, it was as though the whole mystique of the mashruteh had been spoiled, if not lost altogether.
内战爆发。The accelerating revolutionary process clearly set “supporters of the constitution” (mashrutehkhvahan) against the royalist camp, who invariably labeled them “supporters of the tyranny” (mostabeddin).
Tabriz resistance的领导者都是来自Shaykhi wards的luti。It was primarily the two leaders’ sectarian rivalry with lutis of the opposite league that shaped the conflict and ensured its resilience.
受到当时在高加索流行的社会主义革命思潮的影响。大批来自Baku和Tiflis的émigrés revolutionaries加入Tabriz resistance。志愿者们各怀绝技。还有西方人加入：如在美国人开的教会学校教英语的美国人Howard Baskerville。
Bakhtiyari部落有人支持Tabriz：It was headed by ‘Ali-Qoli Khan Sardar As‘ad (1856–1917), a cultivated khan with nationalist predilections whose interest in Iranian history, and that of his own tribe, along with his previous residence in Europe, had converted him into a liberal nationalist of some valor. 轻松拿下Isfahan。
俄国人出兵Tabriz（heavily invested in Mohammad ‘Ali Shah’s survival；担心高加索稳定），停火。
The call for a concerted march to Tehran first came from the fighters in Rasht. Gholam-Hosain Khan Tonekaboni(Sepahdar)’s rise to prominence denoted the dawn of a provincial landowning class that would come to play a major role in the politics of the postrevolutionary era.
In April 1909 英俄发话：warned the shah that unless he restored the constitution and removed its enemies from his court, he stood to lose the two powers’ already-sinking confidence in him—a warning that appeared to the shah’s opposition as a green light to capture Tehran. In reality, it was meant to encourage the shah to restore some semblance of a constitutional regime in order to stop the constitutionalists’ advances.
1909年7月，Sardar As‘ad和Sepahdar带领下的nationalist军队（军纪良好）进入德黑兰。7月15日宣布Mohammad ‘Ali Shah退位，小儿子Sultan Ahmad继位。
The conquest of Tehran was an ephemeral, but defining, moment in Iran’s modern history. 推翻俄国人支持的Shah：For a moment, it seemed as if the desire to create a liberal democratic order had overcome not only the impediments of arbitrary rule and reactionary ulama, but also brutish European imperial ambitions.
是伊朗第一次成为世界头条。纽约时报、泰晤士报的报道非常orientalist： there was an obsessive anxiety that the “safety” of the European residents in Tehran would be violated by hordes of nomadic invaders and socialist radicals.
Contrary to the cynicism of most European observers, and contrary to perceptions of failure in later historiography, the Emergency Committee, formed just after the conquest of the capital, mustered an impressive list of accomplishments. 恢复秩序，指派政府，Sepahdar成为premier，修改选举法搞direct representation，举行全国选举，1909年11月the second Majles出炉。
全国大赦，处理了少数反动人物如Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri。
更多报纸出版：如Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh担任主编的日报Iran-e Naw。
革命政权判记者Hasan Mo’ayyed al-Islam Kashani亵渎罪（批评Islam是伊朗落后的罪魁祸首）。Idealizing the ancient Iranian past as an alternative to its recent Islamic legacy was to become a pillar of Iranian conscious nationalism in the postconstitutional period.
2nd Majles：riddled with factionalism, ideological rifts, and foreign intimidation
The period between 1909 and 1911, and in a broader sense between 1905 and 1921, proved an unequal experiment in Iranian history. Remarkable though it was, however, it ended in tragic setbacks for it was unable not only to keep European intrusion at bay but also bar the old landed elite from return to power.
出现两个阵营：the moderates（ consisting of landowning magnates and tribal leaders among the nationalists, the younger generation of the Qajar officialdom, remnants of the Qajar elite, and the leaders of the Tabriz resistance）the social democrats（mostly intellectuals inspired by European liberal thought, by the Caucasian and Russian socialists, and by the Young Turks）
The Democrats’ most urgent demands included basic land reform, the elimination of hereditary privileges, public education, use of the state apparatus for social reform, and even a call for the inclusion of women in the public arena.
Constitutionalists内部分歧加剧，派系斗争，出现刺杀。Sayyed ‘Abdollah Behbahani被刺（Haydar Khan指挥），clergy退出革命舞台。
Three major assassination attempts since 1907, all orchestrated by Haydar Khan and his cohorts, helped polarize the climate.
Tabriz fighters不满：缺钱，被排除在警察外，和政府军发生冲突。被解除武装。The incident was a clear victory for the government and the Majles, which had long called for the disarming of the revolutionary factions. Sattar’s downfall epitomized the end to street resistance in favor of the provincial landed elite.
What was missing was a common vision to nurture an indigenous mode of democracy that had been first made tangible in its early days of the revolution.
mutual distrust between the Majles and the executive branch: 内阁频频换人，立法行政分工不清。
为了改革财政和金融，请美国政府推荐banker William Morgan Shuster来协助改革。
Shuster and his American team represented the first serious involvement of the United States in Iran. 伊朗和美国1883年建交，美国知道伊朗是英俄传统势力范围，非常谨慎。
Shuster尖锐批评伊朗政府和英俄势力。1912年出版The Strangling of Persia描述伊朗困境。在伊朗期间困于英俄intrigues。
1911年，反革命复辟活动如火如荼，退位的Shah率turkmen进军德黑兰，其兄弟Abol-Fath Mirza Salar al-Dowleh率kurds进军Tabriz，受到俄国支持。被击败。俄国人十分生气。Majles要没收反革命王子的财产，俄国人称其欠俄国人钱，阻挠抄家。下最后通牒要求伊朗政府为“冒犯俄国consul general”道歉，否则就打。伊朗外交部长亲自道歉。结果在英国人支持下俄国人发出第二道最后通牒，要求伊朗满足三个条件（1. 解职Morgan Shuster 2.以后伊朗雇外国人必须经过英俄同意 3. 要求伊朗政府为派往伊朗的军队出军费），否则就占领伊朗。The two powers in effect blatantly required that Iran reimburse the cost of the violation of its own sovereignty to an aggressor who, as it turned out, went on a rampage of massacres and maltreatment of defenseless Iranians.
第二道最后通牒引起举国愤怒，Mohammad Kazem Khorasani号召抵制英俄货物。女性也参与进来。
Bakhtiyari部落主导的内阁屈服（波斯湾发现石油了，正在和英国人谈生意，不想得罪英国的朋友俄国）。Majles反对到底。Mohammad Kazem Khorasani神秘死亡（正在考虑向俄国发起jihad）。
1911年底俄国军队占领Tabriz，烧杀抢掠，抵抗力量寡不敌众（俄军得到保皇部落Shahseven支援）。1912年初几乎占领整个伊朗北部。圣城Mashhad的抵抗力量躲进全伊朗最神圣的Eighth Shi‘i Imam的shrine，俄军洗劫shrine。英国人借口保护英国利益，从波斯湾港口进军Shiraz和Isfahan，遭到抵制（关闭bazaar，抵制英货，禁止给侵略军卖货）。 Qashqa’i和 Khamseh部落造反，反对亲英的Bakhtiyari khans，不过虎头蛇尾。
在英俄的压力下，亲英的Bakhtiyari khan，Najaf-Qoli Khan Samsam al-Saltaneh，下令占领Majles，把所有deputies赶走，禁止在议会集会。担心俄国报复，regent Abol-Qasem Nāser al-Molk下令结束2nd Majles，宣布suspension of the constitution。
Shuster被迫离开，离开前夕引发抗议。Shuster himself called the destruction of the democratic experience in Iran “a sordid ending to a gallant struggle for liberty and enlightenment.”
Constitutional Revolution的其它外国支持者：英国学者Iran Edward Granville Browne。Browne’s The Persian Revolution of 1905–1909, published in 1910 was a remarkable work of contemporary history. Almost an instantaneous classic, Browne’s account questioned not only the imperialist biases of his own time but also the validity of the all-embracing critiques of Orientalism and the common assumption that Orientalists invariably were pioneers of imperial hegemony.
Constitutional Revolution时期的诗歌：Using classical Persian forms and images, the host of poets of the period went beyond political discourse to appeal to their audiences not only through press and publications but also through musical concerts, performances, and especially the medium of popular songs (tasnif).
Throughout, there was precious little articulation of political thought. In part, such disinterest toward modern political philosophy can be attributed to the petrified scholastic tradition, which had prevailed since the late seventeenth century. There was little effort in earnest to articulate theoretical boundaries of liberal democracy. In other words, Islam as a comprehensive divine order with claims over the individual, the government, and the community was never seriously dealt with in the constitutional period, nor was an effort made to spell out a workable compromise
例外：Mohammad Hosain Na’ini, a high-ranking jurist then residing in Najaf: He argued that in the absence of the just and equitable rule of the Imam of the Age, constitutionalism is the lesser of the evils and the most viable alternative to autocratic rule, despite its shortcomings. 后期也趋于保守
Neither Na’ini or anyone else was willing to acknowledge such issues as inequalities of Muslims and non-Muslims, limitations on freedom of speech and association, gender inequality, slavery, torture, and intolerance toward nonbelievers.
Translations and adaptations of Western works of political philosophy, published in Persian before and during the Constitutional Revolution, came to substitute for the paucity of a robust theoretical discourse and helped shape the ideology and rhetoric of the revolution.
Despite staging an earnest liberal movement with urban support, the Iranian constitutionalists never really succeeded in defining the relationship between the religious and the political spheres. Nor did the geopolitical contingencies of European powers allow for the natural growth and fruition of this experience.
Iran in 1914 was fundamentally different from Iran of 1905. In less than a decade not only were the two pillars of the old order, the Qajar monarchy and the mojtahed establishment, weakened; the revolution had also managed to remove important barriers to social and cultural change. The modernizing project of the early Pahlavi era was the legacy of the Constitutional Revolution.
The ideology of Iranian nationalism and its historical narrative, moreover, was nurtured during the constitutional period.
For some, the experience of the Constitutional Revolution proved that Western powers would not allow the establishment of a free and democratic regime and that domestic political players were incapable of maintaining it. For others, the mashruteh liberal democracy was an imported commodity, even an “ailment” devoid of imagined “authenticity.”
40年代同盟国占领、50年代石油国有化运动：players and observers view their own national aspirations and the foreign intrusions as continuation of the constitutional struggle.
Mohammad Mosaddeq：worldview and ideals were largely shaped by the Constitutional Revolution and its prescribed parliamentary process.
Khomeini’s doctrine of Islamic government under the “Guardianship of the Jurist” was a clear rejection of the secular liberalism of the constitutional period, and more along the lines first preached by Fazlollah Nuri and supporters of the mashru‘eh.